Lundgren, EJ, Schowanek, SD, Rowan, J, Middleton, O, Pedersen, RØ, Wallach, AD, Ramp, D, Davis, M, Sandom, CJ & Svenning, J-C 2021, 'Functional traits of the world’s late Quaternary large-bodied avian and mammalian herbivores', Scientific Data, vol. 8, no. 1, pp. 1-21.
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AbstractPrehistoric and recent extinctions of large-bodied terrestrial herbivores had significant and lasting impacts on Earth’s ecosystems due to the loss of their distinct trait combinations. The world’s surviving large-bodied avian and mammalian herbivores remain among the most threatened taxa. As such, a greater understanding of the ecological impacts of large herbivore losses is increasingly important. However, comprehensive and ecologically-relevant trait datasets for extinct and extant herbivores are lacking. Here, we presentHerbiTraits, a comprehensive functional trait dataset for all late Quaternary terrestrial avian and mammalian herbivores ≥10 kg (545 species).HerbiTraitsincludes key traits that influence how herbivores interact with ecosystems, namely body mass, diet, fermentation type, habitat use, and limb morphology. Trait data were compiled from 557 sources and comprise the best available knowledge on late Quaternary large-bodied herbivores.HerbiTraitsprovides a tool for the analysis of herbivore functional diversity both past and present and its effects on Earth’s ecosystems.
Tienhaara, K & Walker, J 2021, 'Fossil capital, ‘unquantifiable risk’ and neoliberal nationalizations: The case of the Trans Mountain Pipeline in Canada', Geoforum, vol. 124, no. August, pp. 120-131.
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Highlights• Emphasizes the role played by fossil capital in the development of neoliberalism.• Explores how the climate emergency manifests as ‘unquantifiable’ stranded asset risk in the financing of hydrocarbon extraction.• Advances the concept of neoliberal nationalization.• Provides an in-depth case study of the nationalization of the Trans Mountain Pipeline in Canada.AbstractNationalization was once anathema to neoliberals and the hydrocarbon-based corporations long closely integrated with the neoliberal project. Indeed, the origins of neoliberal advocacy for global economic liberalisation can be traced, at least in part, to the resistance of oil multinationals to nationalist governments attempting to assert ownership and control over natural resources. It is therefore striking that calls are now mounting from this quarter for the nationalization of fossil fuel infrastructures, to keep them operating as climate policy, loss of public legitimacy and changing market conditions increasingly make investments in them unprofitable, uninsurable, or uncompetitive. The Canadian government’s purchase of the Trans Mountain Pipeline exemplifies what we term a ‘neoliberal nationalization’. Neoliberal pundits and oil industry figures created the perception of both an immediate economic crisis and a longer-term crisis of investor confidence in Canada; these ‘crises’ were used to justify the nationalization. Critically, the government acquisition of the pipeline was framed as a temporary measure of last resort. The intention of a neoliberal nationalization is to protect corporate actors from the effects of their own irresponsible business practises, maintaining ‘business as usual’ by pre-emptively socializing the foreseeable risks of rapid capital asset devaluation. In the case of hydrocarbon infrastructures like Trans Mountain, state authority is called upon to ensure the continued profitability of private fossil energy extraction, eve...
Plehwe, D, Goldenbaum, M, Ramanujam, A, McKie, R, Ekberg, K, Hall, G, Walker, J, Araldi, L, Brulle, R, Neujeffski, M, Graham, N, Hrubes, M & Slobodian, Q 2021, ''The Mises Network and Climate Policy': Policy Briefing No. 2, Climate Social Science Network', Climate Social Science Network, Institute at Brown for Environment and Society, Rhode Island USA, pp. 1-27.
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Think tanks have played a decisive role in the organised obstruction of climate action, denying, minimising, or derailing ambitious climate change mitigation. This research briefing reviews the caseof the Ludwig von Mises Institutes and the Property and Freedom Society, a network of ultra-libertarian groups active around the world, which we refer to as the Mises Institute Network in the mobilisation and the dissemination of climate policy opposition discourse. We review the origins, the history, the global distribution and the climate-related output of 31 Mises Institutes between 2000and 2021.Our analysis reveals climate obstruction messaging based on a critique of climate science, principled objections to state intervention and planning and the social forces supporting climate change mitigation, as well as advocacy of free-market environmentalism as a suitable alternative to established climate politics. While Mises social theory includes a determined critique of environmentalism, it paid limited attention to climate change before 2016. From 2016, there has been a concerted effort to disseminate climate opposition discourse featuring a clear spike in published articles during 2019. Contextually, 2019 saw the U.S.Green New Deal proposal and the EuropeanUnion Green Deal decision suggesting a tipping point for advocating free-market environmentalism inresponse to climate change to contend the increased state intervention discourse emerging indomestic and international climate policy planning.Additionally, ties exist between scholars of Mises Institutes to a broad range of business groupsranging from gold, trade and investment firms in Germany,tobacco companies in the U.S., businessschool, consulting and service firms in Spain, and metal employer association and financial groups inSweden. Furthermore, the network is engaging in an international effort to recruit new members intothe ultra-libertarian movement, with an active university presence a...
